AS IT is election time in India, the idea of releasing books that are political—either overtly or covertly—is a smart one. Given that there are quite a few books in this space that have caught the readers’ attention, as these have the ability to swing emotions and votes, Uday Mahurkar’s book on Narendra Modi, Centrestage, is timely and interesting. As the title, 200-odd pages of eulogies and 64 photographs suggest, it appears largely as a propaganda for the person, as well as the much-talked-about Gujarat model of governance (rarely do books these days have a plethora of photographs). If one puts the governance factor as being the differentiator between the Congress and BJP, then the way the narrative has been recited shows that the storyline also largely snatches Aam Aadmi Party’s agenda. There are actually two distinct features of book: It describes, in some detail, all the good that has been done in Gujarat, making the state a frontrunner in the story of progress. This is also reiterated independently by the economic freedom ranking carried out recently by Bibek Debroy, Swaminathan Aiyar and Laveesh Bhandari. There can be no arguments here, as the numbers speak for themselves. The fact that the industry swears by Modi’s Gujarat model bears testimony to this differentiator, as these are the people putting in their money. The other is distinct blind praise for the man and his work. This is more in the style of writing that gives the sense of an author trying to defend every action of the book’s protagonist rather than letting a reader decide for himself. This is where it smells of sycophantic hero worship or plain propaganda. The author is out to prove that Modi is not just clean and able, but also a tough taskmaster who gets things done. Modi could come across as a bit harsh, but it is because he means business. He is a tough negotiator, but then this is for the good of the nation or state. He does not compromise, but this ensures that you cannot arm-twist him. This indicates that even at the national level, Modi will have his way. He may like to be praised, but Modi feels that if he has done good work, there is nothing amiss in taking credit—something his critics should not grudge. As he does not believe in furthering his own monetary interests, he is able to drive governance issues and ensures that the cleansing process is continuous. Mahurkar also takes pains to explain that the Gujarat model is not just about capitalism, but also encompasses agriculture and social issues. This is not something that we have heard often and is hence refreshing. The author is a diehard fan of Modi and hence the story appears like a eulogy that goes on and on. The foreword is by Jagdish Bhagwati, who writes more like an amateur political writer than an economist of high calibre. He falls into the usual trap when he smacks the media for highlighting the Gujarat riots, but being silent on the anti-Sikh riots—the usual Indian response that two wrongs make a right. There is an introduction by Bakul Dholakia of the Indian Institute of Management (IIM), who gives the impression that having IIM professors on boards of PSUs is one of the better decisions taken by the government, which again looks like furthering his own institute’s agenda. But still, let us look at what Modi has achieved objectively over the decade, which cannot be disputed. First, governance has taken precedence under Modi. No freebies are doled out. Development is for all, including Muslims, which makes the model inclusive. Some interesting points made here are that the National Sample Survey data shows that Muslims have moved up the poverty line faster in Gujarat as compared to other states where a conscious ‘appeasement policy’ has been pursued by governments. Therefore, action speaks better than just promises. Further, Muslim-dominated regions like Palej, Salaya, Gandevi, etc, have witnessed sea changes in development activities like education, roads, power and jobs, and this indicates neutrality in policy. In fact, the point reinforced by Modi has been that within a radius of 20 km in any settlement, one can see a development project in place. Second, public-sector restructuring has meant that positions have been given to the deserving and not as a favour. This has turned around, in particular, the power sector. The route was to get in professionals to run the enterprises commercially. As a corollary, capital subsidies were favoured while these enterprises had to fend for themselves commercially to break even and had to buckle up their revenue and cut costs. The electricity sector is now profit-making, which is rare in our country. Third, vote-bank politics is a strict no-no. In fact, the focus has been on ensuring that farmers value the power they receive, which helps protect water table levels. During the 2007 Assembly elections, Modi refused to give freebies of free power to get votes, which does show character. As the policy has been to focus on development and keep away from vote banks, the author feels that incidents like the sacking of IAS officer Durga Shakti by the UP government would never take place in Gujarat. Fourth, the concept of bribe culture has gone. And with e-governance being pursued, there is a lot of transparency now. Land records and tax payments have been streamlined across the board, which ensures that all payments are recorded and clean. Fifth, the Gujarat model is not just concerned about the progress of industry, it is also about bringing well-spread and uniform development for the people. The Gujarat investment summits are legendary. And these have been replicated in the farming area (Krishi Mahotsav), as well as sports (Khel Mahakumbh). Gujarat has become more resilient in agriculture and things like provision of information, soil advice, cold storages, micro irrigation, etc, are examples of affirmative steps taken to help farmers. Similarly, the focus on girls’ education is a major step taken. An interesting anecdote pointed out by Mahurkar is that when Modi realised that girls did not go to school due to lack of separate toilets, action was taken in a blitzkrieg fashion to have them constructed. The government has also done a lot to promote tourism in the state, not just in big cities but also in areas like the Rann of Kutch. This is a reflection of progressive strategies being pursued. Last, and probably most importantly, the Gujarat fiscal has been reworked to make it one of the best-performing states. The focus on development expenditure has brought a change from 40-60 in favour of development in 2001 to 68-32 in 2014. Has anything ever been wrong with this model? Here, the author doles out a few failings—none really serious—at the end of every chapter to show that Modi is not quite infallible. Not able to leverage solar power and relying on temporary staff to control labour costs have been pointed out as some of the failings, but, seriously, these do not matter in the broader scheme of things. How would one judge this book? It is a book of praise, as the author talks about how a taxi driver refused to take fare from a Gujarati in Hyderabad on account of the Modi factor. If one assumes that writers have the prerogative to drive their biases, then Centrestage is passable. But it does not read professional. This is as far as the writing goes. But if we have to look at it from the point of view of content, it is clear that Modi’s model is impressive and has worked in all spheres of life. Even his detractors must agree that there is something different going on here, which is quite exemplary and should be replicated in all states. While rivals belittling the Gujarat model is understandable, as it is part of realpolitik, Modi has set a template to be followed by all states. The fact that Modi is distant and not flexible shows that things can be done effectively within our own democratic framework, provided one is not looking for vote banks and hence has to adopt placatory practices. There are hence learnings to be taken home. While Mahurkar strongly argues for Modi as PM, the approach to development and implementing his vision is certainly laudable.
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